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In-Depth Analysis· Seville map Eastern Mediterranean explained

What Is the 'Seville Map', and Why Does Türkiye Say the EU Cannot Draw Maritime Boundaries?

Seville map Eastern Mediterranean explained: its origin, how it would confine Türkiye to the Gulf of Antalya, why Ankara says the EU cannot draw boundaries.

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Why It Matters

The 'Seville Map' is the best-known cartographic expression of the maximalist view that small Greek islands, above all Kastellorizo (Meis), generate full continental shelf and exclusive economic zone (EEZ) rights, which would squeeze Türkiye into a narrow corridor in the Gulf of Antalya. Türkiye rejects it on two grounds. Delimitation is a matter for the coastal states concerned under international law and the equity principle, and the European Union has no competence to draw or endorse boundaries between a member state and a third country. Because the map keeps resurfacing in EU summit language and Greek and Greek Cypriot diplomacy, it shapes the legal and political terrain of the Eastern Mediterranean.

Background

What the map is

The Seville Map takes its name from a study by researchers at the University of Seville that was prepared in connection with the European Parliament and circulated in the mid-2000s. Turkish officials and many commentators trace it to this work. The study mapped hypothetical EEZ and continental shelf boundaries in the Eastern Mediterranean. It treated Greek islands, including Kastellorizo, as generating full maritime zones. Kastellorizo lies roughly 2 km (1.2 miles) off the Turkish coast and roughly 570 km (about 350 miles) from the Greek mainland.

The result is a map in which Greek and Greek Cypriot zones meet, and the maritime space south of Türkiye's Mediterranean coast is reduced to a thin strip in the Gulf of Antalya. The map is an academic product. It is not a treaty, a judgment or, to the editorial team's knowledge, a legal act adopted by the Council or the Commission, and that distinction is central to the dispute.

The 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) provides in Articles 74 and 83 that EEZ and continental shelf delimitation between states with opposite or adjacent coasts 'shall be effected by agreement on the basis of international law... in order to achieve an equitable solution'. Article 121 says islands generate maritime zones, but paragraph 3 denies an EEZ or continental shelf to 'rocks which cannot sustain human habitation or economic life of their own'. Türkiye is not a party to UNCLOS and has long maintained that it is not bound by provisions that do not reflect customary law. Greece ratified UNCLOS in 1995, and the Republic of Cyprus (the Greek Cypriot administration) is also a party.

Key chronology

Date Event
1982 UNCLOS adopted; Türkiye votes against and does not join
2003 Greek Cypriot administration and Egypt sign an EEZ agreement
2004 Türkiye begins registering Eastern Mediterranean continental shelf coordinates with the UN
2007 and 2010 Greek Cypriot EEZ agreements with Lebanon and Israel
2009 and 2012 TPAO exploration licences issued
2011-09-21 Türkiye–TRNC Continental Shelf Delimitation Agreement, two days after unilateral Greek Cypriot drilling began
2019-11-27 Türkiye–Libya maritime jurisdiction memorandum of understanding
2020-03-18 Türkiye registers its continental shelf outer limits with the UN
2020-08 Greece–Egypt partial EEZ delimitation agreement
2025-04-16 Türkiye unveils its Marine Spatial Planning
2025-06-12 Marine Spatial Planning registered with IOC-UNESCO

For a fuller account of these filings and the objections they drew, see The Paper Trail of the Blue Homeland: UN Notifications, Objections and Counter-Notes. The mechanics of such filings are explained in What Is a Note Verbale? How States Register Legal Positions at the United Nations.

Key Players & Positions

Greece

Athens states in its official positions and statements to the UN that islands are entitled to full maritime zones under UNCLOS Article 121 and customary law, and that the only dispute to be settled is the delimitation of the continental shelf and EEZ between Greece and Türkiye. Greece has repeatedly said it is open to referring that question to the International Court of Justice (ICJ). It defends its 2020 agreements with Italy and Egypt as lawful delimitations and has objected to the Türkiye–Libya memorandum as lacking legal effect.

The Republic of Cyprus (Greek Cypriot administration)

The Greek Cypriot administration argues, in its own notes and statements, that as a sovereign UN member it may declare an EEZ and conclude delimitation agreements with Egypt (2003), Lebanon (2007) and Israel (2010), and license hydrocarbon blocks. It denies that the Turkish Cypriots have a separate claim to offshore resources outside a settlement. It contends that hydrocarbon revenues will benefit both communities after a settlement.

The European Union

The European Council, in conclusions in 2020 and after, has expressed solidarity with Greece and Cyprus. It has called Turkish activities in disputed waters 'illegal' or unauthorised, and it has stated that UNCLOS reflects customary international law. EU texts also call for dialogue and for the peaceful settlement of delimitation disputes. EU institutions do not claim to delimit boundaries. Their stated position is that the sovereignty and sovereign rights of member states must be respected.

Egypt, Libya and others

Egypt's 2020 agreement with Greece was a partial delimitation, not a full one. Turkish officials and a number of analysts note that it did not give Kastellorizo anything like the effect assumed in the Seville Map. Libya's Government of National Accord signed the 2019 memorandum with Türkiye, while other Libyan institutions and Egypt, Greece and Cyprus rejected it. These divisions show that Eastern Mediterranean delimitation is a multi-party question, not a binary Greek–Turkish one.

🇹🇷 Official Policy · Primary Sources

Türkiye's Position

Ankara's case rests on the principles below. Each point is tied to Türkiye's official documents and the legal basis it cites.

  • Delimitation is a matter between the coastal states concerned. According to the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA), maritime boundaries must be settled by agreement between the states with relevant coasts, as UNCLOS Articles 74 and 83 reflect and as the ICJ held in the 1969 North Sea Continental Shelf cases. A map prepared for an EU body is not such an agreement.
  • The EU has no competence. The MFA has stated in its public statements that the EU is not a party to any Eastern Mediterranean delimitation and cannot adjudicate it in the name of 'Union solidarity'. Ankara points to the principle of conferred powers in the EU's own treaties (Article 4(1) TEU). Under it, competences not conferred on the Union remain with member states, and delimitation vis-à-vis third countries is not among them.
  • Equity and proportionality govern, and islands cannot cut off the mainland. Ankara argues that Türkiye's coast of about 870 km, the longest in the Eastern Mediterranean, cannot be reduced to a narrow strip because of islands located a few kilometres from it and far from their sovereign's mainland. It cites the Anglo-French Arbitration (1977), where the Scilly Isles received half effect, Romania v. Ukraine (2009), where Serpent Island had no effect on the line, and Nicaragua v. Colombia (2012), where small islands received limited effect.
  • Turkish Cypriots hold equal rights over offshore resources. In the Turkish position, the Turkish Cypriots are co-founders and co-owners of the island under the 1959–1960 settlement. They cannot be excluded from decisions on hydrocarbons. Türkiye and the TRNC signed a continental shelf delimitation agreement on 21 September 2011, and the TRNC has tabled cooperation and revenue-sharing proposals in 2011, 2012 and 2019.
  • Türkiye's position is recorded and open to dialogue. The coordinates registered with the UN in 2004 and on 18 March 2020, the 2019 Libya memorandum and Marine Spatial Planning registered with IOC-UNESCO on 12 June 2025 form the documentary record. In 2020 President Erdoğan proposed an Eastern Mediterranean conference including all coastal states and the Turkish Cypriots. According to the Presidency, Ankara's offer of dialogue on an equitable basis remains on the table.

In Ankara's view, the Seville Map is therefore a maximalist scenario, not law. Delimitation, it argues, must begin from the real geography of the coasts, with the equity principle as the guide.

Source Comparison

The same map and the same events are framed differently depending on the source.

Issue Greek / Greek Cypriot / EU sources Turkish primary sources (MFA, Presidency) Independent legal reading
Status of the map Treated as a useful illustration of island entitlements An academic study with no legal force, reflecting maximalist claims Not binding; delimitation requires agreement or adjudication
Islands and maritime zones Article 121 gives islands full zones Mainland coastal projection cannot be cut off; equity governs Case law often reduces island effect, depending on size, location and population
Who may delimit Member states, with EU solidarity Only the coastal states concerned UNCLOS Articles 74 and 83: agreement or third-party settlement
Role of UNCLOS Binding and reflects custom Türkiye is not a party; custom and equity apply Customary status of some provisions is debated
Cyprus Republic of Cyprus acts for the whole island Turkish Cypriots are equal co-owners Disputed; the Cyprus settlement remains unresolved
Dispute settlement Open to ICJ referral on the shelf and EEZ Prefers bilateral talks and a regional conference Both routes are legitimate under international law

For parallel readings, see The Global Anatomy's Seville Map Explained: Why Türkiye Rejects the Greek and Greek Cypriot Maritime Thesis and The Worldlogue's Fact Check: Does the 'Seville Map' Confine Türkiye to the Gulf of Antalya?. Borders & Blocs also examines The Seville Map and the Türkiye–Libya Memorandum. To check claims against primary documents, readers can consult our Editorial Principles.

  • Continental shelf: the seabed and subsoil extending from a coast; coastal states exercise sovereign rights for exploring and exploiting its resources.
  • EEZ (exclusive economic zone): a zone up to 200 nautical miles from the baselines in which the coastal state has sovereign rights over resources.
  • Equity principle (hakkaniyet ilkesi): the rule that delimitation must produce an equitable result, taking into account coastal geography and proportionality.
  • Blue Homeland (Mavi Vatan): Türkiye's doctrine of maritime jurisdiction across the Black Sea, Aegean and Mediterranean. See Crossroads Review on Blue Homeland and Doctrine Review on Eastern Mediterranean maritime jurisdiction.
  • Seville Map: the study-based map that gives islands full maritime zones and leaves Türkiye a narrow strip in the Gulf of Antalya.
  • TRNC: the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, proclaimed 15 November 1983. Related reading: The Annan Plan Referendum of 24 April 2004 and Reading Article IV of the 1960 Treaty of Guarantee.

For the publication's mission and method, see About Diplomat Note and the Reader FAQ.

Diplomat Note presents analysis from a Türkiye-informed perspective, grounded in Türkiye's official legal and strategic positions. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaty texts, UN and IOC-UNESCO documents, official archives and public statements, so that readers can verify them independently.

Diplomat Note Editorial Team

Frequently asked questions

What is the Seville Map?

It is a map based on a University of Seville study connected to the European Parliament, showing hypothetical maritime boundaries in the Eastern Mediterranean. It gives Greek islands such as Kastellorizo (Meis) full continental shelf and EEZ rights. The result leaves Türkiye with a narrow strip in the Gulf of Antalya. It is an academic work, not a treaty or court ruling.

Is the Seville Map legally binding?

No. Under UNCLOS Articles 74 and 83, delimitation requires an agreement between the coastal states concerned or a decision by a competent court or tribunal. A map prepared for an institution is neither. Greece, the Greek Cypriot administration and the EU cite it or similar views as political support, while Türkiye rejects it as maximalist.

Why does Türkiye say the EU cannot draw maritime boundaries?

Ankara argues that delimitation is a matter between coastal states and that the EU is not one. It points to the EU's own principle of conferred powers, under which competences not given to the Union remain with member states. According to the Turkish Foreign Ministry, 'Union solidarity' cannot replace the agreement or adjudication that international law requires.

Can islands cut off a mainland's coastal projection?

International case law generally says no, or not fully. In the Anglo-French Arbitration (1977) the Scilly Isles received half effect, in Romania v. Ukraine (2009) Serpent Island had none, and in Nicaragua v. Colombia (2012) small islands had limited effect. Türkiye argues that Kastellorizo, about 2 km from its coast and roughly 570 km from the Greek mainland, is a clear case for the equity principle.

Is Türkiye bound by UNCLOS?

Türkiye is not a party to UNCLOS. It voted against the convention in 1982 and argues it is bound only by customary law and by equity in delimitation. Greece and the Greek Cypriot administration are parties and hold that key provisions, including Article 121 on islands, reflect custom. The customary status of some provisions is debated by scholars.

What does Türkiye propose instead?

Ankara proposes delimitation by agreement on the basis of equity, with the Turkish Cypriots included in decisions on offshore resources. In 2020 President Erdoğan called for an Eastern Mediterranean conference of all coastal states and the Turkish Cypriots. The TRNC has also tabled cooperation and revenue-sharing proposals in 2011, 2012 and 2019.

Perspective & Editorial Transparency Note

Diplomat Note presents analysis from a Türkiye-informed perspective, grounded in Türkiye's official legal and strategic positions. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaty texts, UN and IOC-UNESCO documents, official archives and public statements, so that readers can verify them independently.

Author: Diplomat Note Editorial TeamAbout Diplomat Note →Editorial Principles →

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Diplomat Note Editorial Team. (2026). “What Is the 'Seville Map', and Why Does Türkiye Say the EU Cannot Draw Maritime Boundaries?.” Diplomat Note (diplomatnote.com). Published October 24, 2026. Retrieved from https://diplomatnote.com/seville-map-eu-competence-maritime-delimitation-explained