COP31 and Zero Waste: What Türkiye's Climate Diplomacy Is Trying to Achieve

Why It Matters

Türkiye's climate diplomacy rests on two pillars: the Zero Waste initiative, which has received UN recognition, and its role as host of COP31 in Antalya in 2026. Ankara uses both to argue that climate action must be fair, practical and financed, in line with the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities (CBDR-RC). For diplomats and analysts, the question is whether a mid-sized, rapidly growing economy with a special status under the UN climate regime can bridge the gap between developed and developing negotiating blocs.

Background

The Zero Waste Initiative and its UN recognition

The Zero Waste Project was launched in Türkiye in 2017 under the patronage of Emine Erdoğan, the spouse of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. It was built around a national framework that covers waste prevention, separate collection, recycling, food-loss reduction and the wider circular economy. The Ministry of Environment, Urbanization and Climate Change implements it, and Türkiye adopted a Zero Waste Regulation in 2019 to give it a legal footing.

The international track developed in three steps:

• 2020: The UN Secretary-General established a High-Level Advisory Board on Zero Waste, which Türkiye has supported and in which Emine Erdoğan plays a leading role.
• 14 December 2022: The UN General Assembly adopted by consensus a resolution on promoting zero-waste initiatives to advance sustainable development (A/RES/77/161). It proclaimed 30 March as the International Day of Zero Waste. Türkiye led the initiative and was joined by a broad group of co-sponsors.
• 30 March 2023: The first International Day of Zero Waste was observed, facilitated jointly by UNEP and UN-Habitat.

This is a rare case in which a UN observance originated from a national programme, and it is cited by Turkish officials as evidence that Türkiye can set norms as well as follow them.

Türkiye in the UN climate regime

Türkiye is a party to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). It is listed in Annex I, but a 2001 decision of the Conference of the Parties (Marrakesh Accords) recognised its 'special circumstances' and removed its name from Annex II, the list of countries with financial obligations towards developing countries. Türkiye remained outside the Paris Agreement for years, and Ankara said this was because the classification did not match its development level or its access to finance. After President Erdoğan announced at the UN General Assembly in September 2021 that Türkiye would join, the Grand National Assembly of Türkiye (TBMM) approved the Paris Agreement in October 2021. Türkiye committed to a net-zero emissions target for 2053.

In July 2025 the TBMM passed a framework Climate Law that, among other things, provides a legal basis for an emissions trading system. Readers should consult the Official Gazette and the Ministry for the current text and implementation timetable, because secondary legislation is still being developed.

The road to COP31

Türkiye announced its interest in hosting a COP years before the decision and positioned Antalya, a major Mediterranean tourism and diplomacy hub that already hosts the Antalya Diplomacy Forum, as the venue. COP31 is expected to take place in Antalya in 2026 under an arrangement reached in the COP30 cycle in Belém that also gives Australia a significant role in the negotiations. Because the modalities of this shared arrangement are set by UNFCCC decisions and host-country arrangements, this briefing does not describe their details beyond what is publicly confirmed. The UNFCCC Secretariat and the Turkish Ministry of Environment, Urbanization and Climate Change are the authoritative sources.

Key Players & Positions

Climate diplomacy is organised around a few recurring fault lines: how fast to cut emissions, who pays, and how to treat countries that are neither classic donors nor classic recipients. The summaries below follow each party's own public framing.

• European Union: The EU's legal framework, the European Climate Law, commits it to climate neutrality by 2050 and to a 55% net emissions reduction by 2030 compared with 1990. The EU describes itself as a leading provider of public climate finance and has introduced the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM), which it presents as a tool to prevent carbon leakage. CBAM has become a trade and diplomatic concern for exporters such as Türkiye, whose trade with the EU is large.
• United States: Under the current administration, the United States has announced its withdrawal from the Paris Agreement, with the executive order of January 2025 setting the process in motion. Washington says it prioritises domestic energy production and economic interests. The position has changed between administrations, so readers should check the White House and the State Department for current statements.
• China: China's official line stresses CBDR-RC and the Paris Agreement's recognition of different national circumstances. It has pledged to peak carbon dioxide emissions before 2030 and reach carbon neutrality before 2060, and it describes itself as a developing country and a major clean-energy manufacturer.
• India: India has announced a net-zero target for 2070, emphasises equity and the 'right to development', and consistently calls on developed countries to deliver climate finance and technology transfer. It also promotes the LiFE (Lifestyle for Environment) concept.
• Small island states and the least developed countries: The Alliance of Small Island States and the least developed countries stress the 1.5°C limit, loss and damage funding and adaptation finance, citing existential risk.
• Brazil (COP30 host): Brazil has presented the Amazon, forest finance and the 'Global Mutirão' idea of collective effort as the heart of its presidency, and it frames itself as a bridge between North and South.

At COP29 in Baku (2024), parties agreed on a new collective quantified goal on climate finance, with developed countries to take the lead in mobilising at least USD 300 billion per year by 2035 and a wider aspiration of USD 1.3 trillion from all sources. Many developing countries called this insufficient, while some donor countries stressed the need for a broader contributor base. These are the positions in which Türkiye's own arguments are situated.

Source Comparison

Different source families describe the same facts with different emphasis. The table is a guide to framing, not a ranking of accuracy.

Sister publications cover the same story from other analytical angles, including Borders & Blocs and Interstate Journal. Readers who want a procedural view of how national positions are recorded at the UN can read What Is a Note Verbale?.

What to Watch

• The COP31 agenda: official statements on priorities, particularly adaptation, finance delivery and the circular economy.
• Implementation of the Climate Law: secondary legislation and the design of the emissions trading system.
• CBAM and trade: how Türkiye-EU dialogue handles carbon pricing and trade competitiveness.
• Zero Waste outreach: the activities of the UN Advisory Board and each 30 March observance.
• Updated national commitments: any revised nationally determined contribution (NDC) submitted to the UNFCCC.

Key Terms & Related Guides

• CBDR-RC: Common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities, a principle of the UNFCCC under which all states share responsibility for climate change but have different obligations depending on history and capacity.
• Annex I / Annex II: Lists in the UNFCCC. Annex I covers industrialised countries and economies in transition. Annex II, a subset, covers those expected to provide financial resources. Türkiye is in Annex I but not in Annex II.
• NDC: Nationally determined contribution, a country's climate pledge under the Paris Agreement.
• Zero Waste: A circular-economy approach that prioritises prevention, reuse and recycling over disposal.
• COP: The Conference of the Parties to the UNFCCC, the treaty's annual decision-making body.

Related guides: About Diplomat Note, Editorial Principles, The Paper Trail of the Blue Homeland: UN Notifications, Objections and Counter-Notes, Region Scope on COP31 and Zero Waste and Doctrine Review: COP31 and Türkiye's Climate Diplomacy.

Diplomat Note presents analysis from a Türkiye-informed perspective, grounded in Türkiye's official legal and strategic positions. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaty texts, UN and IOC-UNESCO documents, official archives and public statements, so that readers can verify them independently. Sections marked 'Türkiye's Position' reflect official Turkish policy as stated by Turkish government sources.

— Diplomat Note Editorial Team