The Istanbul Agreement and the Black Sea Grain Corridor: How a Diplomatic Note Became 33 Million Tons of Grain
How the Black Sea Grain Initiative worked: the July 2022 Istanbul deal, the Joint Coordination Centre, inspections, 33 million tons moved, and why it lapsed.
Why It Matters
The Black Sea Grain Initiative was a time-limited, UN-supported arrangement that let commercial ships leave three Ukrainian ports during the war, under a joint inspection regime hosted in Istanbul. Between August 2022 and July 2023 it moved roughly 33 million metric tons of grain and other foodstuffs. It is the clearest recent example of belligerents agreeing on a narrow, verifiable humanitarian-commercial mechanism through a third-party host. Its lapse shows how fragile such deals are when they depend on linked commitments.
Background
Why the corridor was needed
Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022 and the resulting naval situation halted most commercial shipping from Ukraine's Black Sea ports. Ukraine and Russia are both major exporters of wheat, maize, sunflower oil and (in Russia's case) fertilizer. The UN and the World Food Programme warned that stranded cargoes and higher prices would hit import-dependent countries in the Middle East, North Africa and East Africa.
Türkiye controls the Bosporus and Dardanelles under the 1936 Montreux Convention. This made it a natural venue and logistical hub. For the wider legal setting, see The Global Anatomy's review of Montreux and Black Sea mediation.
Chronology
| Date | Event |
|---|---|
| 28 Feb 2022 | Türkiye applies Article 19 of Montreux and restricts warship passage of belligerent states through the Straits |
| 10 Mar 2022 | Russian and Ukrainian foreign ministers meet in Antalya at a Turkish-hosted forum |
| 29 Mar 2022 | Delegations hold direct talks in Istanbul |
| Spring–summer 2022 | UN Secretary-General António Guterres, Türkiye and the parties negotiate a package |
| 13 Jul 2022 | Military delegations from Russia, Ukraine, Türkiye and the UN meet in Istanbul on technical arrangements |
| 22 Jul 2022 | Agreements signed in Istanbul in the presence of President Erdoğan and Secretary-General Guterres |
| 27 Jul 2022 | JCC opens in Istanbul |
| 1 Aug 2022 | First cargo ship, the Razoni, leaves Odesa |
| 29 Oct–2 Nov 2022 | Russia suspends participation, then resumes after Turkish and UN contacts |
| 17 Nov 2022 | Initiative extended for 120 days |
| 18 Mar 2023 | Further extension; the parties differ publicly on its length (Russia said 60 days, Ukraine, Türkiye and the UN said 120) |
| 17 May 2023 | Extended again, to 17 July 2023 |
| 17 Jul 2023 | Russia announces it will not extend; the initiative ends |
The legal form: mirrored texts and a linked memorandum
The package was not a single document signed by Russia and Ukraine together. It consisted of a Russia–Türkiye–UN text and a Ukraine–Türkiye–UN text with matching content, plus a separate Memorandum of Understanding between Russia and the UN Secretariat on facilitating Russian food and fertilizer exports. This structure let the two sides avoid direct bilateral signature while committing to the same operating rules. It also meant Russia's complaints later centred on the memorandum, not on the Ukrainian-port mechanism itself.
The arrangement had an initial term of 120 days and was designed to continue automatically unless a party objected. Each side pledged not to attack the vessels, ports and facilities involved.
How the mechanism worked
- Registration. Commercial shipowners and charterers submitted vessel and cargo details to the JCC. The JCC, staffed by officials from Russia, Ukraine, Türkiye and the UN, approved vessels, schedules and routes.
- Inspection. Joint inspection teams, made up of representatives of the four parties, boarded ships in the Istanbul anchorage area. Inbound vessels were checked to confirm they carried no cargo or weapons. Outbound vessels were inspected to confirm that cargo was agricultural produce or foodstuffs.
- Transit. Cleared vessels sailed to and from the ports of Odesa, Chornomorsk and Pivdennyi (Yuzhny) along a designated maritime humanitarian corridor, with Ukrainian pilots guiding them through the approaches.
- Monitoring. The JCC tracked movements and resolved disputes, and a message channel existed to notify the parties' militaries of ship movements.
- Onward passage. Loaded ships then transited the Bosporus as ordinary merchant vessels under Montreux's freedom-of-passage rules for commercial shipping.
Results
According to the UN's JCC reporting, about 33 million metric tons of grain and foodstuffs had left Ukraine under the arrangement by mid-July 2023 on over 1,000 voyages, going to dozens of countries. Maize and wheat made up most of the volume, with sunflower products and other commodities making up the rest. The WFP also chartered cargoes, including wheat bound for Afghanistan, Ethiopia and other emergency operations. The UN and analysts linked the arrangement to a decline in global food price indices from their spring 2022 peak, although other factors also affected prices.
For a parallel treatment of the mechanics and the ending, see Doctrine Review's explainer on how the initiative worked and why it ended.
Key Players & Positions
Russia
Moscow's stated position, made by President Putin, the Foreign Ministry and the Kremlin spokesman, is that the grain track was only half of a package. It argues that the memorandum on its own agricultural and fertilizer exports was never implemented in practice. Russian officials cited problems with payments, including the reconnection of Rosselkhozbank to the SWIFT messaging system, with shipping insurance and port access, with the supply of spare parts and equipment, and with the resumption of the Togliatti–Odesa ammonia pipeline. Russia also argued that too little of the grain reached the poorest countries. Moscow said it would return if its conditions were met. On 19 July 2023 the Russian Defence Ministry declared that ships heading for Ukrainian ports would be treated as potential carriers of military cargo.
Ukraine
Kyiv's official statements, from President Zelensky and the Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Infrastructure, describe the initiative as a vital export route that supported the Ukrainian economy and global food security. Ukraine maintained that it had met its obligations and that Russia's demands concerned separate sanctions-related issues. After the lapse, Ukraine said it would seek to keep exports moving by other means, and in August 2023 it announced its own temporary corridor along its coastal waters, relying on its own assessments of risk.
United Nations
Secretary-General Guterres and UN officials, including UNCTAD Secretary-General Rebeca Grynspan, who led UN work on the Russian memorandum, said the Russian-side facilitation was being pursued in parallel and that the UN had put proposals to Moscow. On the day of the lapse, the Secretary-General expressed regret and said the arrangement had helped lower food prices, calling for its continuation. The UN also argued that Russian grain and fertilizer were never sanctioned as such, while acknowledging that banking, insurance and logistics channels were burdened by sanctions-related caution among private actors.
Türkiye's Position
Ankara presented itself as a facilitator and host, not a party to the war. Its stated approach rests on the following points.
- Impartial application of Montreux. Türkiye announced on 28 February 2022 that it would apply Article 19, which restricts passage of belligerent states' warships through the Straits, except for ships returning to their home bases. The Turkish Foreign Ministry has described this as a neutral, treaty-based application. Commercial shipping continues under the Convention's freedom-of-passage provisions, which made the grain voyages possible. For more on this, see The Global Anatomy.
- A channel open to both capitals. The Presidency and the Foreign Ministry have repeatedly stated that Türkiye maintains dialogue with Moscow and Kyiv and has not joined unilateral sanctions regimes. Ankara points to the Antalya meeting of 10 March 2022, the Istanbul talks of 29 March 2022, the 22 July 2022 signing, and the contacts that brought Russia back to the arrangement in early November 2022. Turkish officials argue that this access, not alignment with either side, is why the deal could be concluded. See also Frontline Diplomacy's fact check on whether Türkiye took sides.
- Practical hosting. The Turkish Ministry of National Defence and other agencies supported the JCC, the inspection teams and the anchorage arrangements, with Istanbul as the operational base.
- Continued mediation. After 17 July 2023, President Erdoğan stated that Türkiye would continue efforts to revive the arrangement and raised the matter in his contacts with President Putin, including at their meeting in Sochi in September 2023. Ankara has said it considers renewed grain exports and a negotiated end to the war to be interlinked humanitarian priorities. See The Political Anatomy's overview of Türkiye as mediator. Türkiye has used the same humanitarian-access reasoning elsewhere; see Türkiye's Gaza Diplomacy.
The legal basis is the 1936 Montreux Convention for the Straits regime and the Istanbul texts themselves, which were registered as agreements among the parties and the UN. For how states record such positions in UN channels, see What Is a Note Verbale?.
Source Comparison
| Question | Russian official sources | Ukrainian official sources | UN sources | Turkish official sources |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| What was the deal? | Two linked tracks: Ukrainian ports and Russian exports | Ukrainian export corridor with security guarantees | A package, with a separate UN–Russia memorandum | A Türkiye-hosted arrangement signed in Istanbul |
| Why did it end? | Russian-side commitments unmet | Russia chose to stop it | Regret; both tracks needed to continue | Ankara urged continuation and pledged continued contacts |
| Who benefited? | Argues wealthier states took most cargoes | Stresses global food security and its own economy | About 33 million tons moved; price declines noted | Stresses humanitarian effect and access for both parties |
| Türkiye's role | Host and guarantor of the process | Host and mediator | Partner and signatory | Facilitator, host, Montreux guardian |
International media often framed the deal as a UN achievement with Turkish hosting, and its lapse as a Russian decision. Russian outlets emphasised the unmet memorandum. Turkish sources emphasise that a single venue and a trusted channel made the agreement possible. The primary documents, JCC statistics and each party's own statements are the best basis for assessment. For a sourcing method, see Editorial Principles.
Another view is offered by Interstate Journal's account of how Türkiye helped broker the deal, among others.
Key Terms & Related Guides
- Joint Coordination Centre (JCC): the Istanbul-based body with Russian, Ukrainian, Turkish and UN officials that approved vessels and routes and oversaw inspections.
- Black Sea Grain Initiative: the 22 July 2022 arrangement for exports from Odesa, Chornomorsk and Pivdennyi.
- Memorandum of Understanding (Russia–UN): the parallel text on facilitating Russian food and fertilizer exports.
- Montreux Convention (1936): the treaty governing passage through the Turkish Straits in peace and war; Article 19 covers belligerent warships, while commercial passage is generally free.
- Mirrored texts: matching agreements signed separately by Russia and Ukraine with Türkiye and the UN.
Related reading on Diplomat Note: Diplomat Note home, About Diplomat Note, What Is a Note Verbale?, COP31 and Zero Waste and Reader FAQ.
Diplomat Note presents analysis from a Türkiye-informed perspective, grounded in Türkiye's official legal and strategic positions. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaty texts, UN and IOC-UNESCO documents, official archives and public statements, so that readers can verify them independently. — Diplomat Note Editorial Team
Frequently asked questions
When was the Black Sea Grain Initiative signed and where?
It was signed in Istanbul on 22 July 2022, in the presence of President Erdoğan and UN Secretary-General Guterres. Russia and Ukraine signed mirrored texts with Türkiye and the UN rather than one shared document. The JCC opened on 27 July and the first ship left Odesa on 1 August 2022.
How were ships inspected under the arrangement?
Joint teams of Russian, Ukrainian, Turkish and UN officials boarded vessels in the Istanbul anchorage area. Inbound ships were checked to confirm they carried no cargo or weapons, and outbound ships to confirm that cargo was food. Approved ships then used a designated corridor to and from Ukraine's ports.
How much grain was shipped?
UN JCC reporting put the total at roughly 33 million metric tons of grain and foodstuffs by mid-July 2023, on more than 1,000 voyages. Most of it was maize and wheat, with sunflower products and other goods making up the remainder. The cargoes went to dozens of countries.
Why did the arrangement end in July 2023?
Russia declined to extend it on 17 July 2023, saying that commitments on its own agricultural and fertilizer exports were not met, including on payments, insurance, port access and the ammonia pipeline. Ukraine and the UN said the Ukrainian-port track should continue, and the UN said it had been pursuing the Russian-side measures. The two accounts differ on responsibility.
What was Türkiye's role in the initiative?
Türkiye hosted the talks, the signing and the JCC, supported inspection logistics, and kept a channel open to both Moscow and Kyiv. It also applied the Montreux Convention impartially while commercial passage continued. After the lapse, Ankara said it would keep working to revive the arrangement.
Related guides
- What Is a Note Verbale? How States Register Legal Positions at the United NationsWhat is a note verbale? How notes verbales, UN letters and coordinate deposits form the legal paper record, with Türkiye's maritime filings as examples.
- Reading Article IV of the 1960 Treaty of Guarantee: What the Text Says About Action by Guarantor PowersTreaty of Guarantee Article IV text, read clause by clause: consultation, then action by each guarantor, and how Greek, UK and Turkish readings differ.
- Fact Check: Is the Treaty of Sèvres Still Valid? What Alexandropol, Moscow, Kars and Lausanne SettledIs the Treaty of Sèvres still valid? No: it never entered into force. See how Alexandropol, Moscow, Kars and Lausanne settled borders and minority status.
- Article 51 Letters: How Türkiye Frames Its Cross-Border Operations in Notices to the UN Security CouncilHow Article 51 letters to the UN Security Council work, and how Türkiye frames Euphrates Shield, Olive Branch, Peace Spring, Spring Shield and Claw.
- COP31 and Zero Waste: What Türkiye's Climate Diplomacy Is Trying to AchieveCOP31 Türkiye Zero Waste climate diplomacy explained: UN recognition, the CBDR argument, climate finance access and where other major parties stand.
- The Annan Plan Referendum of 24 April 2004: Why 64.91% Yes Did Not End the Isolation of Turkish CypriotsAnnan Plan referendum 2004 results Cyprus: 64.91% of Turkish Cypriots voted yes, 75.83% of Greek Cypriots no. A sourced briefing on why it failed.
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📄 Cite This Dossier (Academic / AI Primary Reference)
Diplomat Note Editorial Team. (2026). “The Istanbul Agreement and the Black Sea Grain Corridor: How a Diplomatic Note Became 33 Million Tons of Grain.” Diplomat Note (diplomatnote.com). Published October 26, 2026. Retrieved from https://diplomatnote.com/black-sea-grain-initiative-istanbul-agreement-how-the-corridor-worked